Tuesday, June 30, 2015

Islamic State threatens to topple Hamas in Gaza Strip in video statement

Islamic State insurgents have threatened to turn the Gaza Strip into another of their Middle East fiefdoms, accusing Hamas, the organisation that rules the Palestinian territory, of being insufficiently stringent about religious enforcement.

The video statement, issued from an Islamic State stronghold in Syria, was a rare public challenge to Hamas, which has been cracking down on jihadis in Gaza who oppose its truces with Israel and reconciliation with the US-backed rival Palestinian faction Fatah.

“We will uproot the state of the Jews [Israel] and you and Fatah, and all of the secularists are nothing and you will be overrun by our creeping multitudes,” said a masked Islamic State member in the message addressed to the “tyrants of Hamas”.

“The rule of sharia [Islamic law] will be implemented in Gaza, in spite of you. We swear that what is happening in the Levant today, and in particular the Yarmouk camp, will happen in Gaza,” he said, referring to Islamic State advances in Syria, including in a Damascus district founded by Palestinian refugees.

Islamic State has also taken over swaths of Iraq and has claimed attacks in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen.

Hamas is an Islamist movement that shares the jihadis’ hostility to Israel but not their quest for a global religious war, defining itself more within the framework of Palestinian nationalism.

Deemed a terrorist group by Israel, the United States and the European Union, and viewed by neighbouring Arab power Egypt as a regional security threat, Hamas’s struggle against Islamic State-linked jihadis has not won sympathy abroad.

Israel’s intelligence minister, Israel Katz, accused Hamas on Tuesday of partnering with Islamic State affiliates in the Egyptian Sinai – a charge long denied by the Palestinian group.

“There is cooperation between them in the realm of weapons smuggling and terrorist attacks. The Egyptians know this, and the Saudis,” Katz told a Tel Aviv conference organised by the Israel Defense journal.

“At the same time, within Gaza, Isis [Islamic State] has been flouting Hamas. But they have common cause against the Jews, in Israel or abroad.”

UCC Church to Divest Over Israeli Treatment of Palestinians

The top legislative body of the United Church of Christ voted Tuesday to divest from companies with business in the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories, in a sign of the growing momentum of a U.S. protest movement against Israeli policy.

The denomination's General Synod endorsed the action on a vote of 508-124 with 38 abstentions during its meeting in Cleveland.

The liberal Protestant group is the latest to take such action. Last year, the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) voted to sell stock in a few companies whose products are used by Israel in the territories. The United Church of Christ resolution was broader. Delegates are calling on the denomination's financial arms to sell off stock in any company profiting from what the church called human rights violations arising from the occupation. The church also voted to boycott products made in the territories.

Peter Makari of Global Ministries, an agency that is part of the United Church of Christ, said the resolutions "reflect our urgent concern for the worsening effects of the Israeli occupation on Palestinian people and lives, including the disparity in rights and power." The church affirmed Israel's right to exist, along with a "sovereign, independent" Palestinian state.

The American Jewish Committee, an advocacy group based in New York, slammed the resolutions and said the action would "bolster those who oppose peace."

Later Tuesday, the United Church of Christ was to vote whether to label Israeli policies in the territories as "apartheid."

Separately, the Episcopal Church, meeting in Salt Lake City, was considering a divestment resolution. And at another meeting this week, the Mennonite Church USA will also take up a divestment proposal.

The votes are occurring as the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, known as BDS, is gaining strength on U.S. college campuses and in many places in Europe. The Israeli government and many Jewish leaders have condemned the movement as anti-Semitic and an attempt to delegitimize Israel. Makari said the United Church of Christ vote was not "a blanket endorsement" of BDS, "but it's in the spirit of the call."

The boycott-divestment-sanctions movement grew from a 2005 international call from Palestinian groups as an alternative to armed struggle over control of the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem, which Israel captured in 1967 and Palestinians seek for an independent state. BDS advocates say the movement, based on the campaign against South African apartheid decades ago, is aimed at Israeli policy, not Jews, in response to two decades of failed peace talks and expanded Israeli settlement of the West Bank and east Jerusalem.

The two major financial arms of the United Church of Christ — a pension board and investment fund — together control nearly $4 billion dollars. However, each is guided by directors who can decide whether to follow the call for divestment. If the financial agencies do sell off stock, the economic impact on Israel is expected to be negligible. Still, the vote aims to bring moral pressure for change from within the U.S., Israel's closest and most important ally.

Two smaller U.S. religious groups had earlier divested in protest of Israeli policies: the Friends Fiduciary Corp., which manages assets for U.S. Quakers, and the Mennonite Central Committee.

Last year, the 12.8 million-member United Methodist Church, which has rejected churchwide divestment, revealed plans to sell holdings in G4S, which provides security equipment and has contracts with Israel's prison system. Then in January, the Methodist pension board issued new investment guidelines meant to prioritize human rights. Methodists advocating divestment to pressure Israel say the guidelines have led to no concrete action.

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Israel Will Build 16-Foot-High Wall Along Jordan Border

Monday, June 29, 2015

A Year After Gaza War, Hamas Entrenched as Frustration Grows

Emad Firi is angry. During last summer's Israel-Hamas war, a shell slammed through the roof of his house and shredded his right leg. Unable to work, Firi's son now drives his taxi but the family struggles to survive.

The 50-year-old blames Israel, but also the Islamic militant group Hamas which has ruled Gaza since a violent takeover in 2007. In the Hamas era, the tiny territory has endured three wars with Israel and a crippling Israeli-Egyptian border blockade that keeps most of its 1.8 million residents trapped.

"Who is not angry about this difficult situation?" Firi said, waiting at a rehabilitation clinic to finally to be fitted with an artificial leg.

But the people of Gaza won't rise up — some out of fear, he said. "If I say two words, I may go to prison," he says, as Hamas has little tolerance for dissent and often detains critics. "So we stay silent."

A year after the most destructive war in Gaza yet, Hamas remains in control — despite signs of mounting frustration and a poll indicating half the residents would emigrate if borders were open.

No alternative to Hamas rule has emerged, after deep-seated rivalries between Hamas and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas derailed attempts to set up a unity government in both the West Bank and Gaza.

Hamas can also rely on unwavering support from about one-third of the population, polls indicate.

At the same time, Israel and Egypt have signaled a policy shift, from trying to weaken and perhaps topple Hamas, including by enforcing the blockade over the past eight years, to containing the group.

Egypt's military temporarily opened the border crossing with Gaza in recent days. Thousands left Gaza for the first time in months, while shipments of desperately-needed cement entered the territory. Egypt said it acts according to changing security assessments, while Hamas officials said they were promised a further easing.

Meanwhile, Israel relaxed its stringent movement restrictions for Gaza residents, amid reports that foreign diplomats are carrying messages between Israel and Hamas on a long-term cease-fire deal.

Israeli officials have also struck a new tone. The outgoing top army commander dealing with Gaza, Maj. Gen. Sami Turgeman, has said recently that Israel and Hamas have some shared interests, while leading right-wing Cabinet minister Naftali Bennett said the Hamas presence in Gaza is a reality. It's not a matter of reconciling with it (Hamas rule) or not," he told Israeli TV's Channel 2 over the weekend. "I see that they (Hamas) are there."

Israel and the West have branded Hamas, which is sworn to Israel's destruction, as a terror group.

Salah Bardawil, a Hamas spokesman, said he believes Egypt and Israel have become "more realistic." They "realized that they can't reach their goals by violence and force," he said.

Hamas' biggest problem currently is lack of funds, after Egypt shut down hundreds of smuggling tunnels under its border with Gaza two years ago. The tunnels delivered cheap fuel and cement, powering key sectors of the economy, while Hamas earned tens of millions a year taxing the smuggled goods.

The tunnel closures triggered Hamas' worst-ever financial crisis, leaving it unable to cover its $30 million-a-month payroll for 40,000 civil servants and security forces.

The 2014 conflict left Gaza’s healthcare shattered. When will justice be done? | Helena Kennedy

As the first anniversary of the Gaza conflict approaches, the battle for the narrative is again raging. The UN’s commission of inquiry into the conflict released its report to the human rights council in Geneva last week. Israel’s government, which refused to cooperate with their investigation, has already denounced the report. Its own findings have exonerated the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) from wrongdoing during Operation Protective Edge, and the IDF’s investigation into the deaths of four boys, killed by shelling while on a Gaza beach last July, exonerated the soldiers involved. It was the legal equivalent of marking your own homework.

For Palestinians in Gaza, however, the continuing impact of the conflict is nothing short of catastrophic. The numbers speak for themselves: 17 hospitals, 56 primary healthcare facilities, and 45 ambulances were damaged or destroyed, and the total cost of the conflict to Gaza’s healthcare system is estimated at $50m. Sixteen healthcare workers were killed and 83, most of them ambulance drivers and volunteers, were injured. In total, more than 2,200 Palestinians were killed, at least 500 of whom were children, and more than 10,000 wounded.

It is crucial that respect for the neutrality of medical space is observed by all armed actors

New figures show that medical assistance was obstructed for 511 of those who died last year, including 67 children. Obstacles such as live military zones, Israeli checkpoints and a lack of coordination meant that these individuals, all alive when reported to ambulance services, either died before the paramedics were able to access them, or before they reached hospital after being picked up.

Behind these statistics are devastating human stories. Bader, a seven-year-old boy from Khuza’a, was wounded by shrapnel and died after ambulances were initially unable to reach him for four hours, and were then held at a checkpoint on the way to the hospital. From the destruction of al-Wafa – Gaza’s only rehabilitation hospital – to the deaths of ambulance drivers and volunteer medics, even those seeking to aid the injured were not protected, placing them on the front lines of the conflict.

It is crucial that respect for the neutrality of medical space is observed by all armed actors. Rumours persist of Gaza’s al-Shifa hospital being used as a Hamas “command centre” and Israel has released footage claiming to show that Hamas commandeered ambulances and launched attacks from hospital compounds during the conflict. If true, these are unacceptable breaches of international law that must be brought to account.

But only an independent investigation that has access to Gaza can verify or dispel these accusations, hence the absurdity of Israel not allowing the UN commission in. The violation of the sanctity of hospitals, whether through military use or targeting, is a war crime either way, and must be scrutinised.

After the UN fact-finding mission which followed the 2008-09 Operation Cast Lead conflict, the international community failed to adhere to its recommendations in any meaningful way. If the international community fails once more to respond to such attacks, it risks further eroding one of the most fundamental norms of international law. Impunity for attacks on healthcare in last year’s conflict would not only be a gross injustice for the victims, but would send the message that no place is safe for the building of a new hospital, no doctor or nurse safe to treat the wounded, and no ambulance safe to transport injured civilians away from conflict zones to receive care.

Governments must not only make good on their promises to rebuild Gaza’s shattered healthcare system, but must also ensure that they never have to do so again. Reaffirming the protected status of hospitals in the fourth Geneva convention and ensuring the prevention of future attacks of this kind by tackling impunity are legal, political and medical imperatives for the international community.

The UN’s commission of inquiry was established to investigate violations of international law during the conflict, to identify those responsible, and to make recommendations for mechanisms by which violators can be held to account. It has highlighted the inadequacy of existing accountability mechanisms within Israel to investigate and address potential crimes. As states consider this report in Geneva, those with the necessary international clout, including the UK, France and other European states, must lead the way to ending impunity. If accountability is to be achieved, either the existing mechanisms must be reformed and improved, or alternative international mechanisms, including the international criminal court, must be supported.

Last month, the British foreign secretary Philip Hammond spoke of “international outrage” over the barrel-bombing of hospitals in Syria by the Bashar al-Assad regime, and promised to “bring those involved in these criminal acts to justice”. Whether struck by a precision-guided missile or a crude barrel bomb, the targeting of any hospital is deserving of equal opprobrium and international action to hold those responsible to account.

Gaza has endured six conflicts in the past four years. Only by shouldering their responsibilities to uphold the protected status of hospitals and medical personnel under international law can governments avoid repeating the destruction we saw last summer once more.

Palestinian Woman Stabs Israeli Soldier Near Bethlehem

Israel takes over ship seeking to break Gaza blockade

Israel’s navy boarded and took over an activist vessel seeking to break its Gaza blockade and was escorting it to port on Monday in an operation that did not use force, the military said.

A flotilla of four boats carrying pro-Palestinian activists had been seeking to reach Gaza to highlight the Israeli blockade of the territory, with the attempt coming five years after a similar bid ended in a deadly raid.

Three of the boats were said to have turned back while a fourth, the Marianne of Gothenburg, was boarded by the Israeli navy and was being escorted to an Israeli port.

“In accordance with international law, the Israeli navy advised the vessel several times to change course,” the Israeli military said in a statement.

This flotilla is nothing but a demonstration of hypocrisy and lies that is only assisting Hamas

Binyamin Netanyahu

“Following their refusal the navy visited and searched the vessel in international waters in order to prevent their intended breach of the maritime blockade of the Gaza Strip.

“[They] have reported that use of force was unnecessary, and that the process was uneventful,” it added. “The vessel is currently being escorted to Ashdod port and is expected to arrive within 12-24 hours.”

An Israeli military spokeswoman confirmed the vessel was the Swedish-flagged Marianne of Gothenburg, part of the so-called Freedom Flotilla III.

Among the passengers on the four vessels were Arab-Israeli lawmaker Basel Ghattas, Tunisia’s former president Moncef Marzouki and at least one European politician.

The other three ships had changed their course and were “heading back to their ports of origin,” according to a statement by “Canadian Boat to Gaza”, issued by the activists before the Marianne was boarded.

“We once again call on the government of Israel to finally lift the blockade on Gaza,” the statement read. “Our destination remains the conscience of humanity.”

Israel’s prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, dismissed the flotilla’s goals.

“This flotilla is nothing but a demonstration of hypocrisy and lies that is only assisting the Hamas terrorist organisation and ignores all of the horrors in our region,” he said in a statement.

Palestinians at a rally to support the flotilla at Gaza City on 24 June. Palestinians at a rally to support the flotilla at Gaza City on 24 June. Photograph: Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty Images

“Preventing entry by sea was done in accordance with international law and even received backing from a committee of the UN secretary general.”

The Israeli defence minister, Moshe Yaalon, said the flotilla “wasn’t humanitarian and didn’t seek to help anyone,” adding that “the participants were seeking to continue the campaign to delegitimise Israel.”

Israel imposed its blockade on Gaza in 2006 after Hamas captured an Israeli soldier, and tightened it a year later when the Islamist movement consolidated control of the territory.

A number of flotillas had reached Gaza prior to May 2010, when 10 Turkish activists aboard the Mavi Marmara were killed in an Israeli raid on the six-ship flotilla.

Since then, several ships carrying pro-Palestinian activists have tried to reach Gaza, but they have all been repelled by the Israeli navy.

The latest attempt comes with the Palestinian territory yet to begin the reconstruction of thousands of homes destroyed during last summer’s 50-day conflict between Hamas and Israel.

Friday, June 26, 2015

The UN is preserving the Israeli occupation | Ari Shavit

It’s perfectly clear what the proper legal answer to the United Nations report on the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict is – a thorough Israeli investigation of each and every incident that raises suspicion of unreasonable, improper or unjust use of force by the Israel Defence Forces against a civilian population.

This investigation is required, both so that we can be at one with ourselves and our values, and so that we can face the international community with a whole heart and clean hands. If Israel can prove it is making a supreme effort to remain as moral as possible, even when it’s fighting fanatics, it will have the ideological and legal upper hand and its image will improve commensurately.

Related: UN accuses Israel and Hamas of possible war crimes during 2014 Gaza conflict

It is perfectly clear what the proper strategic answer to the UN report on the 2014 Israel-Gaza confict is – a change of direction. Israel’s government must understand that a frozen peace process is dangerous, and that without a peace initiative we could find ourselves in more and more rounds of asymmetric conflict in the south and north, which will ultimately lead to overall international denunciation of the Zionist project.

The leaders of Israel’s army must understand that the strategy of massively bombarding inhabited areas is unacceptable, and that they must develop new, sophisticated fighting methods to deal with terror organisations like Hamas and Hezbollah.

But the truth must be told. The UN report on the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict is distorted and distorting, and should outrage every decent person. That is because the detailed, 183-page document has a serious flaw – it has no context.

It doesn’t give proper weight to the fact that in 1993 Israel opened its heart to peace, put its confidence in Yasser Arafat and enabled him to set up a semi-independent entity in the Gaza Strip. It doesn’t give proper weight to the fact that in 2000 Israel agreed to leave the Gaza Strip and set up a sovereign Palestinian state, there and in the West Bank.

It doesn’t give proper weight to the fact that in 2005 Israel destroyed 24 communities and uprooted 8,000 people from their homes so that the Palestinians would have (for the first time in history) an autonomous region of their own. It doesn’t give proper weight to the fact that all these Israeli gestures – intended to end the occupation and advance peace – resulted not in the appearance of a peaceful, humane Palestine, but in the creation of a totalitarian, violent Hamastan that oppresses Palestinians and attacks Israelis.

The UN report is distorting … That is because the detailed 183-page document has a serious flaw – it has no context

Many people in New York, London and on Salman Schocken Street have been wondering what happened to the Israelis. What happened to the Israelis is that time after time they tried to do the right thing, but when the right thing went up in flames, nobody remembered what they did and nobody gave them credit for it. If that’s the case, they say to themselves, if the world and the left are against us anyway, we may as well live by the sword and keep our territories and not give our enemies another single inch of land.

Mary McGowan Davis, the American judge who led the UN probe into the events of last summer’s war in Gaza, and her colleague Doudou Dienne meant well. But their good intentions led them to a very bad place. Why? Because now, every reasonable Israeli will say to himself it’s better to rule over another nation than to retreat, be attacked and be sent to The Hague when you’re defending yourself from the aggression. Because now, every thinking Palestinian will tell himself that it’s better not to negotiate with Israel but to grasp it with the iron vise of terror, on the one hand, and loss of legitimacy on the other.

Because now, every intelligent Hezbollah man will tell himself that the international community is shearing Israel’s tresses and turning it into a vulnerable entity, on which thousands of rockets can be showered from densely populated areas.

These three conclusions will have three repercussions – preserving the occupation, distancing peace and bringing war closer. If, heaven forbid, blood is spilled here again in the near future, the blind knights of political correctness will be the ones responsible.

This piece originally appeared in Haaretz

Palestinian Shot After Opening Fire at Israeli Army

The Israeli army says it has shot a Palestinian after he opened fire at Israeli soldiers at a military checkpoint in the West Bank.

According to the army, a Palestinian car approached the checkpoint in the Jordan Valley and a gunman from inside the car opened fire at soldiers. The army says soldiers returned fire and "a hit was identified."

The army had no immediate comment on the gunman's condition. It says no soldiers were injured in the incident Friday.

The Jordan Valley is an area in the West Bank bordering Jordan.

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Thursday, June 25, 2015

Israel's Netanyahu Says Better Iran Deal Still Possible

Israel's prime minister says world powers can still insist on a better deal with Iran over its nuclear program as the negotiators' self-imposed deadline rapidly approaches.

Benjamin Netanyahu told a graduating class of pilots Thursday that "it is still not too late to insist on a good deal."

Iran and six world powers are racing to meet a June 30 deadline for a deal that would limit Tehran's nuclear activities in exchange for lifting sanctions.

Netanyahu has dubbed it a "bad deal," saying it would leave Iran with the ability to rapidly obtain nuclear weapons. Israel views a nuclear-armed Iran as its greatest potential threat.

Iran insists its nuclear program is for purely peaceful purposes.

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Wednesday, June 24, 2015

AP Interview: Gaza Rebuilding Moving at 'Snail's Pace'

A U.N. official says Gaza reconstruction is moving at a "snail's pace" and that at this rate it would take 30 years to rebuild the damage from last year's Israel-Hamas war.

Roberto Valent, the new area chief of a U.N. agency involved in reconstruction, blames the slow flow of foreign aid and Israeli curbs on the entry of construction material to Gaza.

Israel and Egypt have enforced a Gaza border blockade since a takeover of the territory by the Islamic militant Hamas in 2007. After the 2014 war, Israel allowed some cement and steel into Gaza under U.N. supervision to keep it away from Hamas militants.

Valent told The Associated Press on Wednesday that the system is too slow. He says "the real solution is the lifting of the restrictions."

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South Africa’s failure to arrest Omar al-Bashir 'is betrayal of Mandela’s ideals'

The failure of the South African government to arrest Omar al-Bashir, the Sudanese president accused of genocide, is a betrayal of Nelson Mandela’s legacy, says a former adviser to the UN secretary general.

Related: Sudan president Omar al-Bashir leaves South Africa as court considers arrest

Dr Abiodun Williams, now president of the influential thinktank The Hague Institute for Global Justice, told the Guardian last week that the fact Bashir was allowed to fly out of South Africa despite an international warrant being issued for his arrest did a disservice to the late president’s legacy.

“It is in my view a clear abuse of executive authority by the South African government,” says Williams.

“Nelson Mandela made the case that South Africa, because of its history, would make human rights a touchstone of its foreign policy, and that access to justice and respect for international law would guide South Africa’s interactions with other nations. Clearly, the Bashir case is not in keeping with Mandela’s ideals.”

Bashir is wanted by the international criminal court (ICC) for alleged war crimes in Darfur. The UN estimates that 300,000 people have died in the area since 2003. UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon, along with the US and the EU, have called on the leader to be detained.

He had travelled to the country for an African Union summit chaired by the Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe, and flew back to Sudan from a military airport just outside Pretoria, as a local court was hearing an application that would force the government to arrest him.

From where I sit in the Hague, from my interactions with the court, I don’t see an anti-African bias in the court

Dr Abiodun Williams

Is this yet another blow to the credibility of the ICC? The court came into existence in 2002 following the genocides in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda during the 1990s after a general consensus that an independent, permanent criminal court was needed. Since then, it has overwhelmingly prosecuted Africans, and in recent years has faced damaging accusations of having an anti-African bias, with critics highlighting that in 2013, all the 21 defendants on trial at the court were African. This week, South Africa’s ruling African National Congress went as far as saying the court was “no longer useful”, despite the country being party to the ICC’s ruling.

But Williams, who has spent more than 20 years working in international politics, rejects claims that the ICC is biased against Africans, insisting that for many on the continent it offers the only means of bringing human rights abusers to justice.

Dr Abiodun Williams Dr Abiodun Williams. Photograph: The Hague Institute for Global Justice

“From where I sit in The Hague, from my interactions with the court, I don’t see an anti-African bias in the court,” he says, speaking exclusively to the Guardian.

“The perception is a huge challenge for the court and it has a huge problem. But the problem should not make us retreat from our work and our sense individual accountability and justice. We should try to ensure that all those who have committed crimes are prosecuted.”

He adds: “There’s a strong reluctance on the part of African leaders to fulfil the obligations they have entered into. But, particularly in South Africa, there is a difference in attitude from the state and civil society. You had the South African Litigation Centre who, swiftly after Bashir entered the country, started proceedings against him. The judiciary too, clearly understand domestic law and international law.”

On the subject of Israel’s failure to cooperate with the ICC over last summer’s war in Gaza, he performs diplomatic somersaults. Avoiding comment on whether either side committed war crimes in the conflict, he bemoans a lack of leadership on both sides.

Related: Omar al-Bashir case suggests South African foreign policy is going rogue

“The fundamental issue with the Israel-Palestine conflict is that there is a lack of leadership, in the absence of leadership it is very difficult to reach a solution,” he says. “I don’t believe that a purely judicial recourse is going to resolve the crisis.

“The ICC should make an investigation, but it’s ultimately up to a prosecutor to decide whether the case should be brought.”

Born in Freetown, Sierra Leone, in 1961, Williams spent his early life travelling the globe, before embarking on a career in international diplomacy.

He moved from West Africa to Canada at 15 to attend the Lester B. Pearson United World College, which is named after a Nobel prize-winning Canadian prime minister with a mission statement to “make education a force to unite people, nations and cultures for peace and a sustainable future”. He was one of 250 students from 50 different countries.

“It created an abiding interest with me in society,” he says. “You learned that all the superficial differences of race, nationality, religion didn’t have to be impediments to getting along.”

After that he attended universities in the UK and US, before starting a career that has seen him write several books, hold positions in academia and enjoy senior roles at the UN, including as a senior adviser to UN secretary general Kofi Annan and then Ban between 2001 and 2007.

The Hague Institute is an independent organisation focusing on interdisciplinary, policy-relevant research on matters of war and peace, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. Former US secretary of state Madeleine Albright sits on its advisory council.

For someone so successful, he is humble and charming. Addressing an audience at Chatham House, he speaks in an almost comically quiet voice, explaining that he doesn’t promote himself online because “people tend to be so self-indulgent”.

Having spent six years serving in UN peacekeeping missions in Macedonia, Haiti, and Bosnia-Herzegovina from 1994 to 2000, Williams is well placed to comment on the current sex abuse scandal gripping the UN.

Related: ICC urges Israel to cooperate with probe into potential breaches in Palestine

Earlier this year, Anders Kompass, a senior UN official, was suspended for leaking a report to the French press, which revealed widespread of children in the Central African Republic by French peacekeepers.

Williams is troubled by the stories that keep coming out about an organisation he holds close to his heart.

“It hurts me,” he says. “Whistleblowers should be protected, that should be fundamental. The UN should be a place where whistleblowers do not feel their job should be in jeopardy when they leak information that is in the public interest.

“Having known Ban, I know he would want to get to the bottom of it. He would want to ensure that the right thing is done, because he knows what is at stake.”

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Tuesday, June 23, 2015

Palestine prepares to submit file that could see Israeli officials indicted

Between 10 and 11 o’clock on Thursday morning – if all goes according to schedule – the Palestinian foreign minister, Riyad al-Maliki, will arrive with a delegation at the office of the prosecutor of the international criminal court in The Hague.

In an unassuming modern suite of offices in the ICC’s white tower block, he will hand over a file running to hundreds of pages. Those documents describe to prosecutors for the first time in detail the Palestinian complaint against Israel for alleged breaches of international law, including serious war crimes.

In doing so al-Maliki will set in motion a chain of events that could eventually see senior Israeli military and political officials indicted for breaches of international law.

The presentation of the Palestinian submission to the ICC will be given added impetus as it follows hard on the heels of the UN Human Rights Council’s report on last summer’s war in Gaza on Monday, which accused both Israel and Hamas of potential war crimes and called for those responsible to be “brought to justice”.

Previewing the contents of the submission last week, Palestinian official Ammar Hijazi said it would detail alleged violations of international law by Israel and the Israel Defence Forces.

Hijazi stated that the file “draws a grim picture of what Israel is doing and why we think that there are reasonable grounds … for the prosecutor to start investigations.”

The ICC chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda must decide based on the complaint whether to order a preliminary examination and then a full criminal investigation. And as states themselves cannot be indicted, only individuals, she will also have to determine which Israelis can potentially be held culpable.

Palestinian officials have made clear that even if Bensouda herself decides not to move to the next stage, they reserve the right to make their own formal criminal complaint as they are entitled as members of the ICC.

Broken down into three main categories of complaint, the whole file is introduced by a short narrative running to about 30 pages.

One section of the complaint will focus on issues relating to illegal Israeli settlement activity; another the treatment of Palestinian prisoners. A final section deals with last summer’s war in Gaza.

According to Palestinian sources familiar with the submission, which covers the period from 13 June 2014 to 31 May 2015, high profile cases that will be highlighted include the Israeli decision to develop a new settlement of 2,600 housing units at Givat Hamatos in east Jerusalem, Israeli settlement building in the Jordan Valley and the killing of four boys on Gaza beach during the war, an incident in which Israel recently cleared itself of criminal culpability.

The submission is the Palestinian response to a request for information from Bensouda, not a Palestinian-initiated complaint per se.

Handing over the submission would appear to set Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian Authority on a potential collision course with Israel, which imposed punitive measures on the Palestinians when they joined the ICC.

For its part Israel both has declined to provide information requested by Bensouda while arguing the ICC has no authority to investigate a Palestinian complaint because, it argues, Palestine is not a state.

The report was prepared by a 45-member committee under the chairmanship of chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat and including Palestinian ministers, heads of NGOs, members of the security forces and, representing Hamas in Gaza, senior Hamas figure Ghazi Hamid. A team led by five senior international lawyers commissioned by the Palestinian Authority guided the drafting.

The submission is exhaustive in detail alleging dozens of violations of international law in everything from Israeli expropriation of Palestinian land, to house demolitions, conditions of detention, to serious breaches of the laws of war.

While large sections have been compiled from easily accessible open sources including press reports, reports compiled by both Palestinian and Israeli NGOs and by material published by UN and other organisations, some more sensitive sections were provided by the Palestinian security services.

One unpublished source to be submitted along with the main report has been prepared by the Applied Research Institute NGO in Jerusalem and runs to 485 pages alone, dealing largely with settlement issues. Sources told the Guardian its contents of this would largely be echoed in the main submission.

The Guardian understands that the main force of the complaint on settlement is based on Article 8 of the ICC’s Rome statute, in particular section 2, which deals with: “The transfer, directly or indirectly, by the Occupying Power of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies, or the deportation or transfer of all or parts of the population of the occupied territory within or outside this territory.”

To that end it includes individual sections on settlement expansion, land confiscation, house demolitions, the destruction of Palestinian olive trees by settlers and Israeli military, as well as settler violence against Palestinians and attacks on religious sites.

The submission includes maps and aerial photographs, Israeli government documents and press releases, and “evacuation orders” issued by the Israeli military. The section on settler violence alone details every known alleged settler violation documented during the period running to hundreds of incidents.

“We don’t focus in detail on individual cases,” said one Palestinian official who has been involved in preparing the submission. “The object is to prove to the court the gravity of the crime. It is about showing a process in the time period covered. If the ICC decides to proceed with an investigation on any of the cases contained we will then provide more detail. This is the first submission but we do not anticipate it being the only one.

“Where it relates to settlement building and colonisation we are not in a position to show everything that has happened going back to 1967, only since 13 June last year, so we need to demonstrate how what is happening is a continuation of a longstanding Israeli policy. Colonisation is a huge issue but it will be the first time that the ICC has been asked to consider colonisation as an issue under international law rather than war crimes and that will be difficult.”

Mustafa Barghouti, one of the members of the committee that drew up the submission told the Guardian he believed the handing over of the file had been supplied added significance following Monday’s UN Human Rights Council inquiry accusing Israel of potential war crimes in last summer’s war, not least as the events the UN documented would be included with the file.

“We are dealing with everything. So many different types of crimes. When you look at the Rome statutes there are a very wide range of possibilities for a criminal investigation. What was important for us in the first place was to show that it is systematic.

“One of the questions that people ask is why – since it could take a long time to come to a conclusion. My answer is that it will have a long term and an immediate effect. In the long term it is necessary because those who commit war crimes should be brought to justice. In the short term it is about ending Israeli impunity.”

Doctor Mads Gilbert on working under siege in Gaza’s Shifa hospital: ‘My camera is my Kalashnikov’

Amid a dense jumble of chaotic streets and overcrowded apartment buildings not far from the seafront, the Shifa hospital is in many ways the beating heart of Gaza. Like any hospital, it is a place of life and death, relief and agony, hope and despair.

But the Shifa is more remarkable than most. Over the past 10 years, it has dealt with four intense conflicts, and since 2007 has endured a blockade that has led to shortages of drugs and equipment, regular power crises and the near-impossibility of medical staff leaving Gaza to train, widen their experience or attend conferences. The Shifa is a hospital under siege.

During last summer’s war in Gaza, as on previous occasions, the dead and injured were brought to the Shifa day and night during seven weeks of bombardment by Israeli forces. Palestinian medics often worked for 30 hours at a stretch, snatching short breaks then returning to duty. Among them was Dr Mads Gilbert, a Norwegian anaesthetist and trauma expert – and a veteran of wars in Gaza.

Gilbert – who describes himself as a “political doctor” and a practitioner of “solidarity medicine” – has written a book, Night in Gaza, which describes his time at the Shifa last summer. “It’s a place of human greatness, suffering and endurance – and an almost incomprehensible mastering of a situation that seems overwhelming, impossible to deal with. Yet they [the medical staff] stand tall, don’t reject a single patient, do phenomenal, very complicated surgery with a high level of professionalism,” he said.

When mass casualties were brought in, the first job of the medics was to take difficult decisions. “Triage is extremely efficient, but it’s brutal,” he said. “You have to let the dying die.” It was a marked contrast to hospitals in Norway, where medical resources would be thrown at patients with limited expectation of survival. Despite the harsh conditions at the Shifa, and the constant fear among the medics that they could find themselves treating their own relatives, they performed “world-class war surgery under world-class leadership”.

Gilbert is something of a hero to Palestinian sympathisers. Close to 1,000 tickets to a talk he gave last week in London sold out in four hours. But, inevitably, in the binary world of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, he is feted by one side and abhorred by the other.

Like many of his generation – he is 68 – he was a late convert to the Palestinian cause. “I was brought up with the Zionist narrative. My mother was quite radical; she was a nurse, and she told me so much about Israel, how they made the desert bloom, about the kibbutz system, which was a semi-socialist experiment.”

During the 1967 six-day war between Israel and its Arab neighbours, Gilbert responded to an appeal for young foreigners to go to work on kibbutzim to replace Israelis fighting in the conflict. The day he was accepted, he had a shocking conversation that changed his view. “It was the first time I had even heard about the Palestinians.” He cancelled his trip to Israel.

Gilbert treats a man in the emergency room Gilbert treats a man in the emergency room. Photograph: Khalil Hamra/AP

Fifteen years later, he volunteered as a medic in Lebanon, which Israel had invaded. “I had my first war victims, and the totally shocking experience of the mercilessness of the Israeli war machine.” Although he has since worked as a medical volunteer in many places, including Cambodia, Burma, Afghanistan and Angola, “Palestine has always been at the core.”

A self-confessed “socialist, Marxist – and human being”, Gilbert draws a clear distinction between anti-Zionism and antisemitism. “I’m a strong anti-racist, there is not a milligram of antisemitism in me. But I oppose apartheid and colonialism.” This is “not a difficult conflict, it is an illegal occupation – it continues, it expands and it costs thousands of innocent Palestinian lives. These people have the right to defend themselves, the right to resist. The right to resist implies also the right to resist with arms, if you’re occupied.”

In Night in Gaza, Gilbert repeatedly refers to the might and brutality of the Israeli military, but does not mention rockets fired by Hamas and other militant groups. Asked about this, Gilbert quotes from the book’s preface, in which he states he does not support Hamas or Fatah (the two main Palestinian factions), but the Palestinian people: “I want to be crystal-clear about this – I condemn any Palestinian attack on any civilian target, period. If one Israeli child is killed, it is one too many. But nor should more than 550 Palestinian children be killed.”

He also rejects claims by the Israeli government that the Shifa was used as a base by Hamas officials and militants in the knowledge that Israel would not attack the hospital. Gilbert points out that a number of hospitals and medical facilities were in fact shelled by Israel during last summer’s war, and that Hamas won free and fair elections in 2006: “I have never seen any activities in the Shifa that would violate the Geneva conventions. But I didn’t explore every corner of the large hospital compound. If I saw anything inside the Shifa that in my opinion violated the Geneva conventions and, should I say, the ‘holiness’ of a hospital, I would have left.”

The book contains dozens of harrowing photographs, many of badly injured children, taken by Gilbert during his stay in Gaza last summer, although the most graphic were excluded. He describes his camera as “my Kalashnikov”, saying that this kind of medical documentation of war is a powerful weapon – and one that is feared by Israel.

This, he believes, contributed to Israel’s “Kafkaesque” decision to ban him indefinitely from Gaza last October for unspecified security reasons. “They don’t even explain why. It is non-appealable, totally irrespective of international opinion and totally against international law. It is a tiny taste of what it means to be under brutal Israeli rule.” Nevertheless, after 15 years of visiting Gaza, he intends to go back.

His experiences in Gaza “have totally changed me as a human being”, he says. “The more I see and know, the more I become skinless, sensitive. The human condition affects me more and more.” He has been forced to develop coping mechanisms – what he calls “perceptual focus to shield out the worst stuff” – for dealing with so much physical and emotional trauma. “You have to be very well prepared; this is not a place for disaster tourism. We didn’t sleep much, we didn’t eat or drink [the war began during Ramadan, the month of fasting for Muslims] – it was extreme endurance.”

But, he adds, he witnessed an extraordinary “consolidated unity. Medics, cleaners, ambulance crews, patients, families – they were all part of the resistance.” For Gilbert, showing solidarity is his duty as a doctor. “I’m not neutral. My obligation as a doctor is to take the side of my patient – be it a single patient, a family, a village, a community, a nation. In Gaza, if we only give them bandages, we become part of the problem. If you want to be neutral, you end up being part of the problem. We are all complicit, whether we shut up or stand up.”

‘The unbearable sound of children shrieking’

Gilbert comforts a wounded child Gilbert comforts a wounded child. Photograph: Abid Katib/Getty Images

The mood is tense. Everybody is ready to run and meet the next load of casualties.

The entrance to the emergency department soon fills with stretchers and running ambulance crews. The area begins to swarm with civilians, with and without visible injuries, policemen in blue camouflage uniforms pushing journalists and cameramen out of the way, while medical workers flock around the newly arrived patients. The air is a cacophony of shouts, screams and sharp commands from the senior surgeon in charge of sorting the casualties. Loudest and most piercing is the unbearable sound of children shrieking.

Two young boys, one aged two or three and the other maybe seven, are lying on a stretcher. They have visible burn injuries and a large number of small, black wounds on their faces and necks, some of them bloody, like traces of shrapnel. Dr Atta al-Mzainy looks at me sharply.

“We’ve got to take them to the intensive burn care unit. Straight away,” he shouts. “We can take one each. You take the younger one.”

“OK,” I answer, my heart pounding. Everything is collapsing around us now, I think to myself. The bombing throughout the night, the number of casualties; it all feels like a tidal wave of blood and screams. Insurmountable …

As I run, I look down at the little boy. His hair is singed on large areas of his head. The skin is loose on his forehead and across the root of his nose. His eyelids are thick and swollen, but his eyes are open, staring out at the world with a wild expression. He has a deep cut above his left eye, and blood is coming from his ear on the same side. Does he have shrapnel inside his skull, or is it a flesh wound? His consciousness is not impaired; quite the opposite. I notice that his arms and legs are constantly moving as I run behind my colleague, terrified of tripping and dropping the boy on the tarmac.

The Israeli drones buzz above us. Can nobody stop this nightmare?

Extracted from Night in Gaza by Mads Gilbert (£16, Skyscraper Publications). To order a copy for £12.80, go to bookshop.theguardian.com or call the Guardian Bookshop on 0330 333 6846. Free UK p&p over £10, online orders only. Phone orders min p&p of £1.99.

Red Cross Fears for Palestinian Hunger Striker in Israel

The International Committee of the Red Cross says it fears for the life of a prominent Palestinian prisoner who has been on a hunger strike for 48 days.

It's the second marathon hunger strike for Khader Adnan, an activist in the militant Islamic Jihad group, who has been held without charge for almost a year. In a previous stint in administrative detention in 2012, Adnan went on a 66-day fast to press for his freedom, sparking weekslong hunger strikes by hundreds of Palestinian detainees.

The Red Cross said Tuesday that Adnan's life is "at immediate risk" and that his family must be allowed to visit, in line with international conventions.

Sivan Weizman of the Israel Prison Authority says Adnan is in an Israeli hospital. She declined comment on his condition.

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Druze Villagers Kill Wounded Syrian in Israeli Ambulance

Israeli leaders are condemning a brutal attack by Druze villagers against a military ambulance carrying wounded Syrians from the bloody civil war raging next door.

Dozens of residents of the Golan Heights attacked the ambulance late Sunday, dragging out two wounded Syrians and beating one to death. The other was evacuated to an Israeli hospital in serious condition.

Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon says Monday Israel will not tolerate people taking the law into their own hands.

The Druze, a mysterious sect that began as an offshoot of Shiite Islam, are among Israel's most loyal citizens. But they are also increasingly worried about the plight of their brethren in Syria and are pressuring Israel to take a more active role against Islamic rebels there.

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Monday, June 22, 2015

The Guardian view on the 2014 Gaza war report: damning conclusions for both sides | Editorial

In the report released on Monday by the UN commission of inquiry on the 2014 Gaza war, one passage stands out. “Palestinian and Israeli children were savagely affected by the events. Children on both sides suffered from bed-wetting, shaking at night, clinging to parents, nightmares and increased levels of aggressiveness.” Those words are a reminder that, in all the positioning and spinning that follows a report of this kind, the heart of the matter is the human cost, usually paid by the most vulnerable.

Israel lost no time in condemning the document, arguing that it was politically motivated from the start. But that instant verdict is a mistake. For one thing, as the passage above suggests, the inquiry clearly worked hard to be even-handed. It blames both the Israeli military and armed Palestinian groups, including Hamas, for “serious violations” of international humanitarian law that “may amount to war crimes”. The death toll of last summer’s violence was lopsided – with more than 2,200 Palestinians and 73 Israelis killed – but the UN report strains to understand the Israeli as well as Palestinian narrative behind those numbers. It speaks, for example, of the “immense distress” suffered by Israelis facing continual rocket fire from Gaza.

It’s also the case that, even if the inquiry was initiated by the tainted UN Human Rights Council, it was completed by a staunchly independent investigator, New York judge Mary McGowan Davis. Israel may have had a case in pushing for the resignation of her predecessor as chair, William Schabas, whose neutrality became in doubt when it emerged that he had advised the Palestinian Authority in the past. But Israel had little cause to withhold cooperation once he had gone. Indeed the country may now regret that decision, recognising that it surely damaged its own self-interest by failing to present its side of the story.

Not that there was much that could have been done to avert the report’s damning conclusions. It describes how Israeli planes conducted more than 6,000 air strikes, “many of which hit residential buildings”. The investigators were not impressed that Israel warned of imminent assaults via phone call or text messages, because those warnings were often received by people who had too little time to run and nowhere to run to. Yet Israel regarded anyone who remained in a targeted neighbourhood as a combatant. Israel persisted in these tactics despite the rising civilian death toll, a fact that points to a policy “at least tacitly approved at the highest level of government”.

The Palestinian side is strongly criticised for the indiscriminate targeting of civilians. The majority of the 4,881 rockets shot by Hamas and its affiliates at Israeli civilian areas carried no degree whatsoever of precision. The report mentions 21 cases of extrajudicial killings of alleged Palestinian collaborators.

The UN team finds both sides lamentable in their failure to demonstrate even modest accountability. It says that among Israeli forces “impunity” prevails for those guilty of violations. One remedy would be the international criminal court, a route Israel has always rejected. If Israel wants to maintain that position then it surely has to deal with these war crime allegations through its own legal system. Both sides like to claim the moral advantage, even while locked in a vicious conflict. If they really believe that, then they must bring those accused of grave crimes to justice.

UN report on Gaza war likely to bolster international criminal court inquiry

The UN’s inquiry into the 2014 Gaza war issues a rallying call for suspected war criminals “at all levels of the political and military establishments” to be brought to justice, but as the report itself wearily concedes, that is unlikely to happen soon.

However, the report is likely to bolster the international criminal court’s preliminary examination of last summer’s conflict, increasing the likelihood that a full investigation will eventually follow.

Related: UN accuses Israel and Hamas of possible war crimes during 2014 Gaza conflict

The UN commission identifies a culture of impunity surrounding Palestinian militant groups and the Israeli military alike, and the immediate reaction from both camps suggests this culture will remain highly resistant to change. Hamas welcomed the report but noted only how it applied to the Israeli occupation, ignoring its finding on potential Palestinian abuses. Binyamin Netanyahu and other Israeli officials rejected the report as inherently biased on the grounds that it had been commissioned by the UN human rights council.

“You can see the reactions of the prime minister [Netanyahu] and other ministers, dismissing the implications of this report because it came from the human rights council,” said Yael Stein, research director of B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights organisation. “And there are problems with the council. But nobody is looking at what is actually written in this report. They just close the discussion.”

While there is little prospect of any greater procedural restraint being imposed on the operations of militant groups in Gaza, Israel is evaluating the findings of an earlier inquiry on the use of military force, known as the Turkel commission. However, those recommendations principally refer to the workings of the Military Advocate General office inside the Israeli military, and rights groups say none of the reforms would give it jurisdiction over senior officers or politicians.

“Even if all the Turkel recommendations were implemented, we think it would have no effect on the ground,” Stein said. “The bottom line is that the whole system is not built for accountability.”

In the absence of meaningful internal change, the UN report looks to potential legal intervention from outside. It calls on the international community to “exercise universal jurisdiction to try international crimes in national courts”. This is a reference to the capability of prosecutors in some European countries to issue arrest warrants based on allegations of war crimes or crimes against humanity committed elsewhere.

It was the principle behind the detention of the Chilean ex-dictator, Augusto Pinochet, in London in 1998, acting on a Spanish request, and it was the reason Israeli ministers were wary of travelling to Britain five years ago. But since then, universal jurisdiction guidelines have been tightened in the UK and several other European countries in a way that makes them less potentially threatening to Israeli ministers.

The main impact of the new UN report is likely to be felt indirectly through the momentum it gives the ICC preliminary examination into the Gaza conflict, started earlier this year. A spokeswoman for the court in The Hague said prosecutors there were studying the commission’s findings.

Gaza war graphic

“The preliminary examination is still ongoing. It is an independent and impartial process; and the office [of the prosecutor] continues to gather information from multiple reliable sources, which will assist it in arriving at a fully informed decision at the end of the process,” the spokeswoman said in an email. Unconfirmed reports in Israel said ICC investigators were expected to travel to Gaza next month.

Fred Abrahams, a researcher at Human Rights Watch, said: “The report’s conclusions on the failures of Israel and Hamas to seriously investigate alleged war crimes will likely get the ICC’s immediate attention.”

However, David Bosco, the author of a book on the ICC, predicted it could be a long time until the ICC examination became a fully fledged investigation.

“A five- or six-month preliminary examination is not all that unusual. but in the end I would expect that this preliminary examination would last much longer than many others, in part because of the political and institutional backdrop,” said Bosco, who is an assistant professor at American University in Washington.

“It’s worth noting that Palestine itself has still not formally referred its situation to the court, although the court has jurisdiction. The prosecutor may take that as a sign that Palestinian leaders are uncertain about whether they actually want a full investigation. And that may increase the prosecutor’s hesitation.”

UN accuses Israel and Hamas of possible war crimes during 2014 Gaza conflict

A United Nations inquiry into the 2014 Gaza war has accused Israeli and Palestinian factions of multiple potential violations of international law including suspected war crimes.

Calling on Israel to “break with its lamentable track record” and hold wrongdoers responsible, the hard-hitting report commissioned by the UN human rights council lays most of the blame for Israel’s suspected violations at the feet of the country’s political and military leadership.

The commission – chaired by a former New York supreme court judge, Mary McGowan Davis – says leaders should have been aware as the war progressed that their failure to change course was leading to mounting civilian casualties.

“Those responsible for suspected violations of international law at all levels of the political and military establishments must be brought to justice,” it says.

Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu condemns the report as ‘flawed and biased’, saying the UN has a ‘singular obsession with Israel’

Israel, which refused to co-operate with the inquiry, said on Monday the report failed to recognise the “profound difference” between “Israel’s moral behaviour” and the “terror organisations” it confronted.

Denying that Israel commits war crimes, Binyamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, said: “The report is biased. The commission that wrote it is under a committee that does everything but protect human rights.”

Hamas also rejected the findings. A senior official, Ghazi Hamad, said on Monday that its rockets and mortars were aimed at Israeli military sites, not at civilians.

The report accuses both Hamas and the Israeli military of breaches of international law in the way they fought the conflict. The UN commission says it gathered “substantial information pointing to serious violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law” by both sides.

The timing of the [Israeli] attacks increased the likelihood that many people, often entire families, would be at home.

UN report

Israel began its offensive last July in response to heavy rocket fire from Hamas and other militant groups. More than 2,200 Palestinians, including hundreds of civilians, were killed during the fighting, according to UN and Palestinian officials, while 73 people – the vast majority military personnel – died on the Israeli side.

Hamas and other Palestinian factions are accused of using indiscriminate rocket and mortar fire and of the murder of alleged Palestinian collaborators.

The report’s authors say: “The use of rockets in the possession of Palestinian armed groups, indiscriminate in nature, and any targeted mortar attack against civilians constitute violations of international humanitarian law, in particular of the fundamental principle of distinction, which may amount to a war crime.”

For its part, Israel faces charges that it potentially breached international law in multiple areas of the conduct of its war, including the targeting of residential homes with precision, the excessive use of artillery in civilian areas, and the loosening of troops’ rules of engagement such as the use of the Hannibal Protocol in Rafah.

The report calls on Israel to provide further details of its “targeting decisions”, saying this would allow for further independent assessment of its conduct in Gaza.

photo, friends of Staff Sgt. Matan Gotlib, a Maglan elite unit soldier, mourn during his funeral in the military cemetery in Rishon Letzion, central Israel. Mourners at the funeral in Rishon Letzion of Staff Sergeant Matan Gotlib, a Maglan elite unit soldier who died in the 2014 conflict. Photograph: Ariel Schalit/AP

The report also questions Israel’s claims to have gone above and beyond the requirements of international law in warning civilians of impending attacks, noting that warnings were either ineffective at the time or that civilians had nowhere to flee to.

“The commission recognises that the general warnings issued by the Israel Defence Forces saved lives. At the same time, these warnings were often used in a context where people fleeing were unable to identify a safe place to go owing to the unpredictability of many attacks over a lengthy period of time.”

In particular, it points out that at times 44% of the coastal strip was either under an evacuation order or attack, leaving many with no safe place to go.

On the issue of the targeting of residential homes with precision weapons, the report examined 15 specific cases in which 216 people were killed, including 115 children and 50 women. The report’s authors could find no reason to explain why in six cases houses has been attacked.

It notes: “Many of the incidents took place in the evening or at dawn, when families gathered for iftar and suhhur, the Ramadan meals, or at night, when people were asleep. The timing of the attacks increased the likelihood that many people, often entire families, would be at home. Attacking residential buildings rendered women particularly vulnerable to death and injury.

“In six of the cases examined by the commission, and in most cases reported on by non-governmental organisations, there is little or no information available to explain why residential buildings, which are prima facie civilian objects immune from attack, were considered to be legitimate military objectives.”

The report concludes: “In many incidents, however, the weapons used, the timing of attacks, and the fact that the targets were located in densely populated areas indicate that the Israel Defence Forces may not have done everything feasible to avoid or limit civilian casualties.

“Israel should provide specific information on the effective contribution of a given house or inhabitant to military action and the clear advantage to be gained by the attack. Should a strike directly and intentionally target a house in the absence of a specific military objective, this would amount to a violation of the principle of distinction. It may also constitute a direct attack against civilian objects or civilians, a war crime under international criminal law.”

Gaza war graphic

On the question of Israeli ground operations, the report also voices serious misgivings after investigating massive use of artillery fire against Shuja’iya, Khuzaa and Rafah.

It remarks: “During the ground operations, the Israel Defence Forces used explosive weapons extensively in densely populated areas of Gaza.” It adds that such use was “highly likely to constitute a violation of the prohibition of indiscriminate attacks. Such use may, depending on the circumstances, qualify as a direct attack against civilians, and may therefore amount to a war crime.

Israel is defending itself from a murderous terrorist organisation that calls for its destruction

Binyamin Netanyahu

“In addition, the fact that the Israel Defence Forces did not modify the manner in which they conducted their operations after initial episodes of shelling resulted in a large number of civilian deaths indicates that their policies governing the use of artillery in densely populated areas may not be in conformity with international humanitarian law.”

The report also examines the use of firepower in instances when Israeli troops were under threat, arguing that the balance between force protection and the requirement to protect civilians was seriously compromised.

“The commission believes that the military culture created by such policy priorities may have been a factor contributing to the decision to unleash massive firepower in Rafah and Shuja’iya, in utter disregard of its devastating impact on the civilian population. Moreover, applying this protocol in the context of a densely populated environment through the use of heavy weaponry predictably leads to violations of the principles of distinction and proportionality.”

McGowan Davis, the chair of the UN commission, said: “The extent of the devastation and human suffering in Gaza was unprecedented and will impact generations to come. There is also ongoing fear in Israel among communities who come under regular threat.”

Palestinian mourners carry the body of Tayseer al-Ismary, a Hamas militant, Palestinian mourners carry the body of Tayseer al-Ismary, a Hamas militant, at his funeral in Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, in December 2014. Photograph: Said Khatib/AFP/Getty

Netanyahu said Israel did not commit war crimes. “Israel is defending itself from a murderous terrorist organisation that calls for its destruction and which has perpetrated many war crimes,” he said. “Any country that wants to live would have acted this way. But the commission expects a country, the citizens of which have been attacked by thousands of missiles, to sit idly by. We will not sit, and have not sat, idly by. We will continue to take strong and determined action against all those who try to attack us and our citizens, and we will do so in accordance with international law.”

A spokesman for Israel’s foreign ministry said: “It is well known that the entire process that led to the production of this report was politically motivated and morally flawed from the outset.

“It is regrettable that the report fails to recognise the profound difference between Israel’s moral behaviour during Operation Protective Edge and the terror organisations it confronted.”

Before the report’s publication, Israel had gone on a media offensive, producing its own report, which found no fault with its conduct in Gaza.

Israel, Palestinians May Be Guilty of Gaza War Crimes: UN

Hamas Rejects UN Report It May Have Committed War Crimes

Gaza's Hamas rulers are rejecting a United Nations report that its fighters may have committed war crimes.

Senior Hamas official Ghazi Hamad said Monday that its rockets and mortars were aimed at Israeli military sites, not at civilians.

Hamad criticized the U.N. investigators for what he said was a false balance between victims and killers.

The report found that both Israel and Palestinian militant groups may have committed war crimes during the conflict last July.

More than 2,200 Palestinians, including hundreds of civilians, were killed during the fighting, according to U.N. and Palestinian officials, while 73 people, including six civilians, died on the Israeli side.

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Civilian death toll from explosive weapons soars

The global civilian death toll from explosive weapons has increased dramatically in recent years, driven in part by the greater use of aerial bombs on populated areas, often by governments including Syria and Israel, according to a report.

Although the international community has taken concerted action to curb the use of chemical weapons, the report by advocacy group Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) confirms that conventional explosives, can be just as devastating and indiscriminate when used against towns and cities.

AOAV’s report, Explosive States, which examines data for 2014, found that when explosive weapons were used in urban areas, 92% of the casualties were civilians, compared with 34% in rural areas. In 2014, there were 32,662 civilian casualties from weapons including aerial bombs, mortars and car bombs, an increase of 5% on 2013, and 52% higher than 2011, when AOAV started collecting data.

Monthly casualties

“This is the third consecutive year that we have seen an increase in civilian deaths and injuries from explosive weapons,” Iain Overton, the director of investigations at AOAV, said. “With civilians bearing the brunt of explosive weapon harm in Gaza, Ukraine, Nigeria, Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan, the question has to be: how many more will have to die before states agree to end the use of explosive weapons in populated areas?”

More than half the civilian casualties in 2014 were caused by improvised explosive devices (IEDs) such as car bombs and suicide vests. The prevalence of such weapons in Iraq has helped make it the most dangerous place in the world for civilians, in terms of explosive weapons, with more than 10,000 casualties for the second year running. Syria was second with 6,245 recorded civilian casualties (though AOAV acknowledges that it is likely to be gross underestimate due to reporting difficulties).

Deaths by IED increased dramatically in Nigeria over the course of 2014, as Boko Haram targeted markets, bus stops and places of worship. Almost all the 2,407 casualties in the country were caused by car bombs, suicide bomb attacks or other IEDs.

Civilian casualties by weapon type

The most striking and lethal development in 2014 was the increased use of aerial bombs by governments on densely populated areas. The number of civilian casualties from such weapons almost trebled from the previous year. The overwhelming majority of the casualties by aerial bombardment were caused by Syria (46% of the total) and Israel (35%).

In Syria, government forces made dramatically increased use of barrel bombs – containers filled with fuel, explosives and chunks of jagged metal typically pushed out of helicopters by hand, killing people and destroying buildings over a wide areas. In 2013, barrel bombs accounted for 20% of aerial attacks. In 2014, that proportion had doubled. The bulk of barrel bomb attacks (85%) were on urban areas.

Israeli air attacks accounted for more than half the civilian casualties in Gaza in 2014. According to UN figures, there were 2,131 deaths from Israel’s Operation Protective Edge in July and August, 69% of which were civilian. But Israel also used high explosive ground-launched and naval shells during that campaign against built-up targets. As a result, Israel outdid even Syria as the state responsible for the most civilian casualties from explosive weapons in 2014, according to the AOAV report.

Map of explosive violence around the world

“Our data shows that states were far more willing to carry out aerial bombings in populated areas, bucking a recent trend. It’s a deeply worrying development,” Overton said. “It’s almost no surprise to see Israel was the state force behind the most civilian casualties from explosive weapons. The weapons used in Gaza last year included thousands of unguided artillery shells, as well as massive aircraft bombs, which, even if guided to a target, can still impact a wide area. AOAV’s research suggests, that for artillery at least, Israel had relaxed the rules, making it easier for troops to use these weapons in or near populated areas. You simply can’t do that on such a large scale without increasing risk of death, injury and damage to civilians and civilian areas.”

Israel withdraws video cartoon that mocked foreign correspondents

The Israeli government has withdrawn an animated video that mocked the way in which foreign journalists covered last summer’s Gaza incursion, reports Ynet.News.

The South Park-style video, which suggested that international correspondents who covered the conflict were guilty of naive reporting, outraged members of the Foreign Press Association (FPA).

Released ahead of a United Nations report on Israel’s conduct in Gaza, it was condemned by a New York Times writer as “a ludicrous spoof of western journalists”.

It satirises international coverage of the military incursion into Gaza by showing a foreign journalist figure being interviewed on his perspective while the reality of the situation unfolds behind him.

The journalist says: “There are no terrorists here, just ordinary people”. But behind him a figure is seen holding a rocket.

In another shot, the journalist is seen reporting from a tunnel used by Hamas to attack Israel by describing it as “a fascinating attempt by Hamas to build a subway system”.

At the end, a narrator gives the correspondent a pair of glasses and says: “Maybe now you’ll see the reality of life under Hamas rule”.

A spokesman for Israel’s foreign ministry, Emmanuel Nahshon, said the video was “poking gentle fun at the phenomenon” of Hamas allegedly using “human shields” during fighting and only “partial reporting” of this by international media.

But the FPA issued a statement deploring the video, saying it was “surprised and alarmed” by the video cartoon. It continued:

“At a time when Israel has serious issues to deal with in Iran and Syria, it is disconcerting that the ministry would spend its time producing a 50-second video that attempts to ridicule journalists reporting on a conflict in which 2,100 Palestinians and 72 Israelis were killed.

“Israel’s diplomatic corps wants to be taken seriously in the world. Posting misleading and poorly conceived videos on YouTube is inappropriate, unhelpful and undermines the ministry, which says it respects the foreign press and its freedom to work in Gaza”.

The foreign ministry maintains that there had been no intention of offending anyone. It said:

“During Operation Protective Edge rockets were fired from populated areas and near public structures.

All this was well-known and documented. But incriminating photos were published only later, with a notable delay. The claim was fear of Hamas. The video looks at this phenomenon in an amusing way”.

The preemptive public relations strike comes ahead of a UN report that is widely expected to accuse Israel of war crimes in Gaza.

Sources: Ynet.News here and here/Haaretz/New YorkTimes. Hat tip: The Independent

UN Report on 2014 Gaza War Says Israel, Palestinians May Have Committed War Crimes

UN report on 2014 Gaza war says Israel, Palestinians may have committed war crimes.

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Israeli Official's Wife Sorry for 'Obama Coffee' Tweet

Israel, Jordan Discreetly Foster Ties Amid Regional Chaos

A new Jordanian think tank that focuses on Israel is tucked away on the seventh floor of a glass-fronted Amman office building, without a sign announcing the presence of the Center for Israel Studies.

It's the sort of discretion still customary in Jordan when it comes to anything concerning Israel. Broad segments of Jordanian society, where a majority have Palestinian roots, oppose "normalization" with Israel even 21 years after the two countries signed a peace deal.

Yet ties have grown stronger between the governments since the regional rise of Islamic militancy unleashed by the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings. Israel and Jordan have signed deals on natural gas and water desalination in recent months and Israeli officials say security cooperation is closer than ever.

Israel needs Jordan as a security buffer on its eastern flank, and is putting a premium on helping to ensure the stability of the pro-Western kingdom, which faces potential threats from Islamic State militants who control large areas in neighboring Syria and Iraq.

Jordan, chronically short on water and energy, needs Israel as a supplier to diversify imports and prevent further shocks to its fragile economy. Israel, meanwhile, is considering hiring workers from Jordan's troubled tourism sector in its Red Sea port of Eilat.

"The relations have indeed become closer," said Emmanuel Nahshon, the Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman. "We see Jordan as a strategic partner, and have every intention of assisting and cooperating."

Jordanian officials are more guarded.

"Jordan's relations with Israel are subject to Jordan's national interests," government spokesman Mohammed Momani said. "The government does not force any Jordanian to engage in relations with Israel, but those who do are not breaking any laws."

Many Jordanians oppose ties with Israel, arguing there can be no normalization as long as Israel occupies war-won lands the Palestinians want for a state. A coalition of Jordanian opposition groups has rallied against the gas deal, under the slogan, "Gas of the Enemy is Occupation."

In such a climate, the Center for Israel Studies quietly began operations, setting up a website this year that publishes Arabic translations of Israeli articles about Israel and its views of the Arab world. The Amman center also produces its own studies about Israel.

Director Abdullah Sawalha said he is trying to provide more accurate information about Israel, arguing that Jordanians know little or have been misinformed.

"Israel exists in this region," he said, adding that "many, many people (in Jordan) have an interest in this subject, but they don't talk about it."

Sawalha, a former employee in Jordan's government spokesman's office, said his center is independent, but declined to reveal sources of funding.

Sawalha said he tries to show Israel in a realistic light, but doesn't hide his politics: He supports the establishment of a Palestinian state in the lands Israel occupied in 1967 and opposes violence.

For the time being, it's "not useful" to advertise the center's location by putting a sign on the door, he said, referring to the prevailing mood in Jordan. The center might adopt a higher profile in coming months, said Sawalha, who has been interviewed by the Jordanian media.

He asked not to disclose the location of 10 Hebrew translators who are based in another Arab country, suggesting they could otherwise face problems.

Sunday, June 21, 2015

Police: Israeli Police Officer Stabbed in Jerusalem

Israeli police say a Palestinian man has stabbed an Israeli paramilitary police officer, critically injuring him.

Police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld says the police officer was stabbed in the neck Sunday outside the Old City of Jerusalem and was taken to hospital. The officer managed to shoot at his attacker and critically wounded him as well.

The attack comes two days after a gunman opened fire on a car outside a West Bank settlement, killing an Israeli man and wounding another.

Israel saw a wave of so-called "lone wolf" attacks last year by Palestinians using guns, knives and vehicles in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and the West Bank. Police say it's difficult to stop such attacks because assailants act on their own, without working through established militant groups.

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Thursday, June 18, 2015

Police Arrest Jewish Settlers Following Israel Church Attack

A Catholic church near the Sea of Galilee was heavily damaged by fire Thursday in a possible arson attack by Jewish extremists.

Israel police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said a fire broke out at the Church of the Multiplication in the middle of the night, causing extensive damage to the inside and outside of the building.

Rosenfeld said police are investigating whether the fire was deliberate and are searching for suspects. A passage from a Jewish prayer, calling for the wiping out of idol worship, was found scrawled in red spray paint on a wall outside the church.

Father Matthias Karl, a German monk from the church, said a souvenir shop, an office for pilgrims and a meeting room were badly damaged, and bibles and prayer books were destroyed in the fire.

"It's totally destroyed. The fire was very active," he said.

A monk and a church volunteer were hospitalized from smoke inhalation, but the prayer area of the church was unaffected by the fire, he said.

In recent years, mosques and churches have been targeted by vandals in similar attacks, which are widely condemned across the political spectrum in Israel. Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely condemned Thursday's church burning and said Israel respects freedom of worship for all religions.

Last year, a group of mostly Jewish youth attacked the Church of the Multiplication's outdoor prayer area along the Sea of Galilee, Father Matthias said, pelting worshippers with stones, destroying a cross and throwing benches into the lake.

The Roman Catholic church, also known as the Church of the Multiplication of the Loaves and Fish, is a modern church built on the remains of a fifth-century Byzantine church. It marks the traditional spot of Jesus' miracle of the loaves and fish, and is located in Tabgha on the shore of the Sea of Galilee in northern Israel.

Its Byzantine mosaic floor draws thousands of visitors of all faiths each year, Father Matthias said.

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Israeli Minister Summons Former Diplomat Over Obama Critique

Israel's finance minister is distancing himself from claims by Israel's former ambassador to the U.S. that President Barack Obama is purposely damaging U.S.-Israel relations.

Moshe Kahlon said in a letter to America's ambassador to Israel that he "summoned" Michael Oren, now a lawmaker in his Kulanu political party, to his office after learning that Oren had expressed his views in an op-ed this week in the Wall Street Journal. The Associated Press on Thursday received a copy of the letter.

Kahlon said Oren's comments reflected his personal views, and praised Obama for supporting Israel.

Oren said Obama abandoned longstanding principles of U.S.-Israel relations, openly disagreeing with Israel and not coordinating with Israel over changes to its Mideast policies.

U.S. State Department spokesman John Kirby called Oren's account "absolutely inaccurate."

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Sunday, June 14, 2015

Israelis Go on Offensive Ahead of UN Report

Israel on Sunday launched a pre-emptive assault on an upcoming U.N. report into last year's war in the Gaza Strip, saying it is unfairly biased and issuing its own report that blames Gaza's Hamas militant rulers for the heavy civilian casualties.

The diplomatic offensive set the stage for what is expected to be a contentious showdown with U.N. officials over allegations that Israel committed war crimes during the 50-day war.

Israel has long had a contentious relationship with the United Nations, saying the world body is biased. A similar report conducted by the U.N.'s Human Rights Council following a 2008-2009 war against in Gaza was harshly critical of both Israel and Hamas.

But this time around, the stakes are higher. The Palestinians have joined the International Criminal Court and are pursuing war crimes charges against Israel. The council's new report, expected as soon as this week, could play a key role in the case against Israel.

"Having on the record our view of this war is extremely important, and we have nothing to hide," Dore Gold, the new director of Israel's Foreign Ministry, told reporters at a special briefing held to unveil Israel's own 242-page investigation into the war.

Gold was accompanied by the country's Deputy Foreign Minister, Tzipi Hotovely, and governmental and military legal experts who worked on the report.

Israel launched its offensive in Gaza last July 8 in response to heavy rocket fire from Hamas and other militant groups in the territory. More than 2,200 Palestinians, including hundreds of civilians, were killed during the fighting, according to U.N. and Palestinian officials, while 73 people died on the Israeli side.

Palestinians have said that the Israeli army violated the rules of war, which include giving adequate warning to civilians, using proportionate force and distinguishing between civilians and combatants. They have pointed to the high civilian casualty count as evidence.

In Sunday's report, Israel defended itself with the same arguments it has been making since the fighting ended, albeit with a level of detail never shown before.

Israel's core claim is that Hamas is responsible for the civilian casualties because it used Gaza's residents as "human shields" by firing rockets from residential areas and operating in schools, hospitals and mosques. It also notes that Hamas' rockets and mortar shells were aimed at Israeli population centers.

The report includes what Israel says are seized Hamas documents encouraging its fighters to move in civilian areas, knowing that it would constrain Israel's ability to act.

"We were a bit struck and surprised with the amount of documentation that we managed to recover during the operation actually indicating that this is a strategy of Hamas," said Eran Shamir-Borer, a lawyer in the Israeli military's international law department.

Nabil Shaath, a senior Palestinian official, called the latest Israeli reports "sickening and outrageous" and said they strengthened the need for the Palestinians to seek international justice.

Israel has argued that it took unprecedented measures to avoid civilian casualties, ordering residents to evacuate through leaflets, phone calls, radio broadcasts and warning strikes with unarmed shells ahead of live airstrikes.

Israel defends Gaza conflict as 'moral war'

Israel has claimed the Israel Defence Forces’ operation in Gaza last summer was a moral, defensive war conducted in accordance with international law.

The publication on Sunday of a report authored in conjunction with Israeli government ministries was timed to come out days before the release of the findings of an investigation by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHCR) into possible war crimes by Israel and Hamas.

The UNHCR report, with which Israel refused to cooperate, is expected to serve as the foundation for the Palestinian case against Israel in the international criminal court, which is due to be submitted on 25 June.

Israel’s report highlights efforts by the IDF to avoid harm to civilians and presents the operation as an “imperative necessity” in response to incessant rocket fire from Gaza and the threat of Hamas infiltrating through its tunnels.

It states that the goals were “restoring security to Israeli civilians living under Hamas rocket fire” and “dismantling the Hamas tunnel network used to infiltrate Israel”.

The majority of the 250-page report is dedicated to showing Hamas’s human rights violations and war crimes. It holds Hamas responsible for many of the Palestinian civilian casualties caused by the IDF, arguing that they were unavoidable due to Hamas’s tactics of embedding militants among civilian populations, whether in homes, schools, mosques and UN buildings.

A section is dedicated to Palestinian fatalities, which deals largely with what it claims are Hamas’s duplicitous numbers. According to the IDF, a total of 2,125 Palestinians were killed during the two-month war, 761 of them, or 36%, uninvolved civilians, including 369 children and 284 women. The UN figures are far higher, with at least 1,483 civilians killed (of a total of 2,205), of whom 521 are children and 283 are women.

Binyamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, said the report presented “the true picture” of what happened in Gaza and that the IDF was committed to international law because “Israel is a democracy and a moral country with values”. He added: “Whoever wants to automatically – and without foundation – blame Israel, let them waste their time with the UN Human Rights Council report.”

Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri rebuffed the report, saying “Israeli war crimes are clear because they were committed in front of live cameras,” Reuters reported.

The Palestinian Authority also rejected the report. “Israel’s decision
to deny having targeted civilians in Gaza is the logical extension of
what it did in the Gaza Strip,” Ihab Bseiso, a government
representative, told AFP.